希拉里在夏威夷关于亚太地区的演讲

Regional Architecture in Asia: Principles and Priorities
Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton
Imin Center-Jefferson Hall, Honolulu, Hawaii
January 12, 2010
亚洲的地区性架构：原则与重点
美国国务卿 克林顿
夏威夷檀香山市 杰斐逊纪念厅伊民中心
2010年1月12日

Thank you very much.  And thank you, Charles, for that kind introduction.  I’m delighted to be here at the East-West Center in a new year that marks your 50th anniversary on this beautiful campus in this most extraordinary place.  It is also a great pleasure to see so many friends in the audience.  I am delighted to just recognize, obviously, Governor Lingle and Mayor Hannemann, Senator Akaka, my colleague in the Senate, Congressman Abercrombie, Hawaii Senate President Hanabusa, Japan’s ambassador to the United States Ambassador Fujisaki and America’s ambassador to Japan Ambassador Roos.  I’m also delighted to see some longtime friends who Bill and I served with when they served this state, certainly, former Governor John Waihee and Lynne, and former Governor Ariyoshi and Jean. I’m also aware that we have consul generals for Australia, Japan, the Philippines, Micronesia and Marshall Islands, and of course, President Greenwood of this university.  And to all who serve on this board, obviously, if you want a good introduction, come to a place where you appoint a third of the board.  (Laughter.)  Charles fulfilled that.  I’m also honored that senior leadership of Pacific Command are here.  I had a very productive meeting with them earlier.  And Assistant Secretary Kurt Campbell, who has the enviable job that he thanks me for every day of overseeing our relations throughout the Asia Pacific.

非常感谢大家。查尔斯，感谢你的热情介绍。我很高兴能在“东西方中心”进入50周年之际来到这里，来到这所坐落在这个最不一般的地方的美丽校园。看到有这么多朋友在座，也令我万分高兴。我高兴地看到林格州长和韩纳曼市长，我在参议院的同事阿卡卡参议员，阿伯克隆比众议员，夏威夷州参议院主席Hanabusa女士，日本驻美国大使藤崎和美国驻日本大使罗斯。我还高兴地看到一些比尔和我曾有幸与之共事的为这个州效过力的老朋友们，其中当然包括前州长约翰•威希和夫人林恩，以及前州长有吉良一和夫人琼。我也知道在座的还有澳大利亚、日本、菲律宾、密克罗尼西亚和马歇尔群岛的总领事，当然还有这所大学的校长格林伍德。各位理事会成员，如果你想得到热情洋溢的介绍，一定要到这样一个三分之一的成员都由你指定的地方来。（笑声）查尔斯完成了这个任务。太平洋司令部的高级指挥官今天在座，令我感到荣幸。我刚同他们进行了卓有成效的会晤。还有助理国务卿库尔特•坎贝尔，他主管我们同整个亚太地区的关系，每天都要感谢我给了他这个美差。
 
Before I begin with this critically important subject about our future in Asia, I want to just say a few words about developments in Haiti.  We are still gathering information about this catastrophic earthquake, the point of impact, its effect on the people of Haiti.  The United States is offering our full assistance to Haiti and to others in the region.  We will be providing both civilian and military disaster relief and humanitarian assistance.  And our prayers are with the people who have suffered, their families, and their loved ones.

在我开始阐述这个关于我们在亚洲的前景的极其重要的主题之前，我想就海地的情况简单说几句。我们正在收集有关这次严重震灾、地震位置以及海地人民受灾情况的信息。美国正在向海地和该地区其他地方全力提供援助。我们将调动军事和民间力量，提供救灾及人道援助。我们为受灾民众、他们的家人和亲朋好友祈祷。

It is hard to even imagine how different the region we’re talking about today was back in 1959 when Lyndon Johnson proposed creating an institution where thinkers from East and West could come together.  And during the five decades since the Center opened, no region has undergone a more dramatic transformation.  This progress is the product of hard work and ingenuity multiplied across billions of individual lives.  And it has been sustained by the engagement, security and assistance provided by the United States.

自1959年林登•约翰逊建议创立一个汇集东西方思想家的机构以来，我们今天要谈的这个地区所发生的巨变令人难以想见。在贵中心成立以来的50年中，其他任何一个地区的变化都无法与这个地区相比。这种进步是数十亿人勤奋努力和创新的结晶。美国积极接触、保障安全和提供援助的努力也使这种进步得以持续。

The East-West Center has been part of this sea change, helping to shape ideas and train experts, including one young woman who became a pioneer in microfinance and rural economic development and the mother of our President.  And I thank all of you for bringing greater awareness and understanding to the economic, political, and security issues that dominate the region and the world today.

“东西方中心”是这个巨变中的一员，促成观念的形成并帮助培训专家，其中包括率先倡导微型贷款和农村经济发展的一位年轻女性，她就是我们总统的母亲。我要感谢你们所有人的努力，你们提高了对这个地区及全世界当今面临的主要经济、政治和安全问题的认识和理解。

By now — almost a year into the new Administration — it should be clear that the Asia-Pacific relationship is a priority of the United States.  President Obama spent his formative years here in Hawaii and in Indonesia.  His world view reflects his appreciation of — and respect for — Asia and its people.  I am deeply committed to strengthening our ties across the Pacific and throughout Asia. And I know the President is personally looking forward to Honolulu — his hometown — hosting the APEC leaders meeting in 2011.  (Applause.)  Now, I’ve been informed by the congressman, the governor, the mayor and others that the most difficult decision will be figuring out the aloha shirt that will be given to all of the leaders.

至今——新政府上任已接近一年——应可明显看到亚太关系是美国的一项重点。奥巴马总统在夏威夷和印度尼西亚度过了他的童年和少年时代，他的世界观反映了他对亚洲及亚洲人民的了解和尊重。我坚信我们应当加强与太平洋彼岸以及整个亚洲的关系。据我所知，总统本人期盼着2011年的亚太经合组织领导人会议在他的家乡檀香山召开。（掌声）你们的国会议员、州长、市长以及其他人都告诉我，现在最难做的决定是为各国领导人设计什么样的阿罗哈衫。

But for these reasons and more, we began last January to lay the foundation for a revitalized Asia-Pacific relationship.  My first trip as Secretary of State was to Asia — in fact, this will be my fourth to the region in the last eleven months.  President Obama participated in the APEC Summit in Singapore as well as visiting China, Japan, and South Korea; we supported the creation of a regular G-20 leaders summit with strong Asian participation reflecting the new global balance of financial and political power; we held the first ever U.S.-ASEAN summit; we signed the Guam International Agreement that helps sustain a strong U.S. military presence in the region; and we signed the ASEAN Treaty of Amity and Cooperation.  And it was no accident that the first state visit hosted by President and Mrs. Obama was for an Asian leader, Indian Prime Minister Singh.

由于这些原因以及更多的原因，我们从去年一月开始为重振亚太关系打基础。我就任国务卿后第一次出访就是前往亚洲——事实上，这次将是我在过去十一个月中第四次访问该地区。奥巴马总统出席了在新加坡举行的亚太经合组织峰会，并访问了中国、日本和韩国；我们支持定期举行20国集团领导人峰会，并且主张亚洲强有力的参与，以反映全球金融和政治力量的新格局；我们举行了首届美国-东盟峰会；我们签署了有助于美国在该地区保持强大军事部署的《关岛国际协议》；我们还签署了《东南亚国家联盟友好合作条约》。奥巴马总统和夫人接待的第一位来访的外国领导人是来自亚洲的印度总理辛格，这并非巧合。

So we are working to deepen our historic ties, build new partnerships, work with existing multilateral organizations to pursue shared interests, and reach beyond governments to engage directly with people in every corner of this vast region.

因此，我们正在努力深化历史上已有的关系，建立新的伙伴关系，与现有的多边组织为寻求共同利益进行合作，并在与各国政府联系之外与这个广袤地区每一个角落的人民直接接触。

We start from a simple premise: America’s future is linked to the future of the Asia-Pacific region; and the future of this region depends on America.  The United States has a strong interest in continuing its tradition of economic and strategic leadership, and Asia has a strong interest in the United States remaining a dynamic economic partner and a stabilizing military influence.

我们的出发点是这样一个简单的前提：美国的前途与亚太地区的前途紧密相连；而这个地区的前途有赖于美国。美国十分愿意继续发挥其传统上的经济与战略领导作用，而亚洲也十分愿意美国继续作为一个充满活力的经济伙伴并发挥有助于稳定的军事影响力。

Economically, we are inextricably linked.  American companies export $320 billion in goods and services to the Asia-Pacific countries every year, creating millions of good-paying jobs.  Hundreds of thousands of our servicemen and women provide the region with security – a task that our military has shouldered for generations.  As Secretary of Defense Robert Gates has noted, the United States is not a visiting power in Asia, but a resident power.

从经济上来说，我们已经密不可分。美国公司每年向亚太国家输出价值3200亿美元的货物和服务，创造千百万份待遇优厚的工作。我国数十万军人为亚太地区提供安全，这项任务我国军队已承担了几代人的时间。正如国防部长罗伯特∙盖茨指出，美国在亚洲不是一个来去匆匆的大国，而是一个长驻大国。

And conversely, Asia is an important presence in the United States.  More than 13 million Americans trace their ancestry to this part of the world.  Asian countries that were destitute a generation ago now boast some of the highest living standards in the world.  East Asia has already surpassed the Millennium Development Goal of reducing extreme poverty to half its 1990 levels by 2015.

反之亦然，亚洲在美国的影响也很重要。这个地区是1300多万美国人的祖籍地。一代人以前还十分贫困的一些亚洲国家现在跻身于生活水平最高的国家行列。东亚已经超过了到2015年将极端贫困人口在1990年基础上减少一半的千年发展目标。

Asia is also indispensable to meeting global security and humanitarian challenges. Asian nations are helping to prevent nuclear proliferation in Iran, build schools and clinics in Afghanistan, keep peace in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and combat piracy off the Horn of Africa.

亚洲在应对全球安全和人道挑战方面也是必不可少的。亚洲国家正在帮助防止在伊朗发生核扩散，在阿富汗建立学校和诊所，在刚果民主共和国维持和平，在非洲之角海域打击海盗活动。

Yet at the same time, Asia’s progress is not guaranteed.  Asia is home not only to rising powers, but also to isolated regimes; not only to longstanding challenges, but also unprecedented threats. The dangers of nuclear proliferation, military competition, natural disasters, violent extremism, financial crises, climate change, and disease transcend national borders and pose a common risk.

但同时，亚洲的进步并非已成定局。亚洲不仅有新兴大国，而且有被孤立的政权；不仅面临长期存在的挑战，而且面临前所未有的威胁。核扩散、军备竞赛、自然灾害、暴力极端主义、金融危机、气候变化和疾病等危险都不受国境的限制，而构成共同的风险。

And we must acknowledge that different countries in the Asia-Pacific region face their own different challenges.  Some have made more progress politically than economically, and others the reverse.  Some are consolidating reforms, others are struggling with ongoing or renewed instability.  Regional cooperation must account for these diverse challenges and create more opportunities for broad-based prosperity and political progress.

我们必须承认，亚太地区的不同国家面临各自不同的挑战。有些国家在政治上取得了比经济上更大的进步，而另一些国家则相反。有些国家正在巩固改革成果，而另一些国家正在持续不断或死灰复燃的动荡中挣扎。地区合作必须考虑到这些不同的挑战，并为大范围的繁荣与政治进步创造更多的机会。

A core strategic fact is that this region confronts these challenges and opportunities with a dynamic mix of influential actors, from rising powers like China and India, to traditional leaders like Japan, South Korea, and Australia, to the increasingly influential states of Southeast Asia, like Indonesia.  And the United States not only continues to have dynamic and durable bilateral ties, but plays a central role in helping to deal with the difficulties that individual states and this region confront.  This new landscape requires us to build an institutional architecture that maximizes our prospects for effective cooperation, builds trust, and reduces the friction of competition.

从战略上看来，一个核心事实是：这个地区在面对上述挑战与机遇时，不断变化着的各类行为体正在发挥影响力，既有中国和印度这样的新兴大国，又有日本、韩国和澳大利亚这样在过去一直领先的国家，还有像印度尼西亚这样影响力与日俱增的东南亚国家。美国不仅继续拥有能动、持久的双边关系，而且在帮助各国及整个地区应对其困难方面也发挥主要作用。这种新局面要求我们必须搭建新的机构性架构，以最有效地实现合作前景，建立互信，减少竞争摩擦。

For years, Asian leaders have talked about strengthening regional cooperation, and Asia’s economic, political and security architecture is evolving.  Regional institutions have already played a significant part in Asia’s evolution.  Yet looking forward, we know that they can – and I would argue must – work better.  That’s a common message I have heard from many of my conversations with Asian leaders and citizens during this past year.  There is now the possibility for greater regional cooperation, and there is also a greater imperative.

多年来，亚洲国家领导人一直在谈论加强地区合作，而亚洲的经济、政治和安全架构也在演变之中。地区性机构在亚洲的演变中已经发挥了重要作用。然而展望未来，我们知道这些机构可以——我认为也必须——更好地发挥作用。这是我在过去一年中与很多亚洲国家领导人和普通百姓谈话时得到的共同信息。现在，不仅有可能，而且更有必要加强地区合作。

Now, like any architecture of this building and anywhere else, regional architecture among and between nations requires a firm foundation.  And today, I would like to outline the principles that will define America’s continued engagement and leadership in the region, and our approach to issues of multilateral cooperation.  In formulating this approach we have consulted widely with our Asia-Pacific partners, and these are discussions that I look forward to continuing during my upcoming trip and the months ahead.

现在，就像这座楼房和其他任何楼房的架构一样，国与国之间的地区架构也必须有一个坚实的基础。今天，我想概要地说明一下将指导美国继续与本地区进行积极接触和发挥领导作用的原则，以及我们处理多边合作问题的做法。在确定这种做法的过程中，我们与亚太伙伴进行了广泛的磋商，我还期待在我即将进行的访问中及今后几个月中继续就此进行讨论。

First, the United States\' alliance relationships are the cornerstone of our regional involvement.  The United States’ alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, Thailand, and the Philippines are among the most successful bilateral partnerships in modern history.  The security and stability provided through these relationships have been critical to the region’s success and development.  Our shared values and strategic interests enabled generations to grow up and prosper in a region largely at peace, and they remain key to maintaining stability and security.  Our commitment to our bilateral relationships is entirely consistent with – and will enhance – Asia’s multilateral groupings.

首先，美国的同盟关系是我们进行地区参与的基石。美国与日本、韩国、澳大利亚、泰国及菲律宾的同盟关系都属于现代历史上最成功的双边伙伴合作关系。这些关系所促成的安全和稳定已成为该地区成功和发展的关键条件。我们共同的价值观和战略利益使几代人在这一基本上和平的地区成长和发展，它们对维持稳定与安全仍十分重要。我们在双边关系上的努力完全符合并将有助于加强亚洲的多边关系组合。

Beyond our treaty alliances, we are committed to strengthening relationships with other key players.  We are pursuing a strategic dialogue with India, a strategic and economic dialogue with China, and a comprehensive partnership with Indonesia.  We are working on strengthening our partnerships with newer partners like Vietnam and longstanding partners like Singapore.  Strengthened multilateral cooperation should and must respect and build on our already proven bilateral partnerships.

除了我们通过条约建立的同盟之外，我们还致力于加强与其他主要参与国的关系。我们正在与印度开展战略对话，与中国进行战略与经济对话，与印尼建立全面伙伴合作关系。我们正在加强与越南等新合作伙伴以及新加坡等长期合作伙伴的关系。加强多边合作应该也必须尊重和发展久经考验的双边合作关系。

Second, regional institutions and efforts should work to advance our clear and increasingly shared objectives.  These include enhancing security and stability, expanding economic opportunity and growth, and fostering democracy and human rights.

其次，地区性机构和努力应促进我们的明确并逐渐得到认同的目标。这些目标包括加强安全和稳定、扩大经济机会和发展、促进民主和人权。

To promote regional security, we must address nuclear proliferation, territorial disputes, and military competition – persistent threats of the 21st century.

为了推进地区安全，我们必须应对核扩散、领土争端和军备竞赛等问题，这些是二十一世纪将面临的持久威胁。

To advance economic opportunity, we must focus on lowering trade and investment barriers, improving market transparency, and promoting more balanced, inclusive, and sustainable patterns of economic growth.  Regional organizations such as APEC have already shown considerable progress in these areas.  In addition, the United States is engaging in the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade negotiations as a mechanism for improving linkages among many of the major Asia-Pacific economies.

为了增加经济机会，我们必须集中精力减少贸易和投资壁垒，提高市场透明度，推广更加平衡、包容、持久的经济增长模式。亚太经合组织等地区组织已在这些领域取得可观进展。除此，美国正在参与跨太平洋伙伴合作关系贸易谈判，并以此为机制改善许多主要亚太经济体之间的关系。

And to build on political progress, we must support efforts to protect human rights and promote open societies.  We applaud ASEAN’s decision to establish a new Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights when the Association’s new charter went into effect in December of 2008.  Over time, we hope the Commission and other regional initiatives will enhance respect for fundamental freedoms and human dignity throughout the region.

为了继续推动政治进步，我们必须支持保护人权和促进开放型社会的努力。我们赞赏东盟2008年12月在该组织新章程生效时决定成立新的跨政府人权委员会。我们希望，该委员会和其他地区性行动计划最终将有助于促进整个地区对基本自由和人类尊严的尊重。

Third, our institutions must be effective and be focused on delivering results. This has been a priority for President Obama and me since Day One.  Because we believe that Asia’s rise over the past two decades has given the region an opportunity for progress that simply didn’t exist before.

第三，我们的机构必须具有效益并侧重于产生实效。这是奥巴马总统和我自从就职以来的一项重点目标。我们认为，过去20年中亚洲的崛起为该地区的进步创造了前所未有的机遇。

The formation and operation of regional groups should be motivated by concrete, pragmatic considerations.  It’s more important to have organizations that produce results, rather than simply producing new organizations.

成立和运作地区组织应该以具体而务实的精神为动力。更为重要的是，组织机构应产生实效，而非徒具虚名。

Now, dialogue is critical in any multilateral institution.  But as Asian nations become regional and global players, we must focus increasingly on action.  Groups should assess their progress regularly and honestly, and emphasize that all participants are responsible for playing a positive role.

对话是任何多边机制的关键。然而，随着亚洲国家成为地区和全球参与者，我们必须逐渐侧重于行动。机构应经常如实地评估其进展，并强调所有参与者都应发挥积极作用。

For example, in the aftermath of the 2004 tsunami that devastated South and Southeast Asia, the world witnessed how concrete collective action and a relentless focus on results can provide hope in the face of tragedy.  Beyond immediate assistance to areas hit by the tsunami, the disaster response was a catalyst for cooperation across the broader region.  It helped to forge enduring political, military, and civilian relationships that have enhanced our ability to respond collectively to natural disasters.  We should learn from this example, and act with similar urgency and efficiency in dealing with challenges such as climate change and food security.  I am proud that the United States has been and will continue to be a leader in this area.  Just this last year, we played a critical role in the civilian-military response that helped bring relief to areas ravaged by cyclones, such as the Philippines and others.

例如，2004年南亚和东南亚遭受海啸袭击之后，全世界目睹了具体的集体行动和严格追求实效的做法如何在灾难发生时为人们带来希望。除了向海啸灾区迅速提供援助之外，救灾工作推动了整个地区的合作，帮助缔造了持久的政治、军事及民间关系，强化了我们通过集体行动应对自然灾害的能力。我们应从这一范例中获得启迪，以同样的紧迫感和效率来迎接气候变化、食品安全及其他挑战。我感到自豪的是，美国一直并将继续在这一地区发挥领导作用。就在过去一年里，我们在军民救灾工作中发挥了关键作用，为菲律宾等遭受龙卷风袭击的国家减轻了灾害后果。

Now, to produce consistent results, institutions need effective governance.  That doesn’t mean that every organization will use the same mechanism to make decisions.  But it does mean that they should embrace efficient decision-making processes and, where appropriate, differentiated roles and responsibilities.  At the same time, building serious multilateral institutions requires us to share the burden of operating them. Systems that reward free riders and minimalist contributions are designed to fail.

为了取得稳固成效，各种机构都需要接受有效管理。这并不是说每个组织都要利用同样的机制作出决定，但它确实意味着每个组织都应采纳有效的决策程序并适时发挥不同的作用和承担不同的责任。与此同时，建设认真努力的多边机构要求我们必须分担管理的重担。鼓励不劳而获地搭便车和最低限度地参与的体系注定要失败。

So on security matters, we are eager to strengthen the ASEAN Regional Forum.  The United States will continue to participate in the Forum, and we hope to build on some recent successes, including an inaugural civil-military disaster relief exercise last May.  The ASEAN Regional Forum should make good on the vision laid out at our meeting in Thailand last July for it to assume greater responsibilities for disaster relief and humanitarian operations.  And the United States stands ready to assist in facilitating that.  It should also build on the Forum’s demonstrated recognition that Burma and other regional human rights issues will have a substantial effect on regional peace and security.  One reason I have established an ambassadorial post to ASEAN in Jakarta is to strengthen this institutionalized process.

因此，在安全问题上我们渴望加强东南亚国家联盟地区论坛。美国将继续参加这个论坛，我们希望在最近一些成功实例的基础上继续努力，其中包括去年5月首次举行的军民联合救灾演习。东南亚国家联盟地区论坛应努力实现去年7月在泰国举行的会议上所提出的愿景，为救灾和人道主义行动承担更大的责任。美国随时准备为促进这类行动提供援助。该论坛公开承认缅甸问题及其他地区性人权问题将对地区和平与安全产生重大影响，它应当以此为基础继续努力。我在雅加达设置一个驻东南亚国家联盟的大使级职位就是为了强化这个体制化进程。

Fourth, we must seek to maintain and enhance flexibility in pursuing the results we seek.  Now, in some instances, large multilateral institutions may lack the tools necessary to manage particular problems.  Where it makes sense, we will participate in informal arrangements targeted to specific challenges, and we will support sub-regional institutions that advance the shared interests of groups of neighbors.

第四，我们必须在力求取得这些成效时努力保持和增强灵活性。现在，在某些情况下，大型多边机构可能缺少必要的工具来处理具体的问题。在适当的领域，我们将参加以应对具体挑战为目标的非正式磋商，并将支持那些促进周边国家共同利益的次地区机构。

Another example of that is the Six-Party Talks, which show the potential of an informal arrangement to advance shared interests.  Key regional actors have joined together to pursue the verifiable denuclearization of North Korea.  Now, making progress toward the complete and irreversible denuclearization of North Korea we know will strengthen security across Asia-Pacific countries, and we are working with our Six-Party partners for a resumption of the Six-Party Talks in the near future.

另外一个实例是六方会谈，它展示了旨在促进共同利益的非正式磋商的潜能。该地区的重要参与方一直在共同努力，争取以可核查的方式实现北韩去核化。我们知道，向全面地、不可逆转地实现北韩去核化的目标迈进将增进亚太地区各个国家的安全，我们正在与我们的伙伴共同努力，争取在近期内恢复六方会谈。

We have engaged in an enhanced relationship the Lower Mekong countries.  We have a Trilateral Strategic Dialogue with Japan and Australia, with Japan and South Korea, and we have informal arrangements guiding cooperation in the Straits of Malacca.  And these are each examples of how this kind of multilateralism can produce effective outcomes.   And I’m on my way to Australia, where Secretary Gates and I will be meeting in a 2+2 setting with our counterparts there.  So we welcome further opportunities to engage this way, for example in trilateral dialogues with Japan and China, and with Japan and India.

我们已与湄公河下游的国家增强了联系。我们与日本和澳大利亚、以及日本和韩国进行了三边战略对话。我们通过非正式磋商来指导在马六甲海峡地区的合作。这些都是这种多边主义怎样能产生有效成果的实例。我即将前往澳大利亚，国防部长盖茨与我将在那里以2对2的方式与澳大利亚有关官员会晤。因此，我们欢迎今后以这种方式接触的机会，例如与日本和中国以及日本和印度进行三边对话。

When it comes to sub-regional institutions, we really believe that ASEAN is an important success story.  It has made a bold decision to integrate across the economic, socio-cultural, and political-security spheres.  We believe that a strong, integrated ASEAN will serve broader regional interests in stability and prosperity.  And so we will continue to support ASEAN and we will continue emphasize capacity-building activities under the enhanced U.S.-ASEAN Enhanced Partnership and the economic-focused U.S.-ASEAN Trade and Investment Framework Agreement.  President Obama had that valuable first-ever meeting with ASEAN’s ten leaders in Singapore.

当我们谈到次地区机构时，我们确实认为东南亚国家联盟是一个重要的成功范例。它作出了有魄力的决定，将经济、社会文化和政治安全领域一体化。我们相信，一个强大的、一体化的东南亚国家联盟将为更广泛的稳定与繁荣的地区利益作出贡献。因此我们将继续支持东南亚国家联盟，同时我们还将继续根据业已加强的《增进美国-东盟伙伴关系计划》和以经济为重点的《美国-东盟贸易与投资框架协议》来加强能力建设工作。为此，奥巴马总统与东南亚国家联盟的10位领导人在新加坡举行了史无前例的重要会议。

Now, I know some people, their eyes may glaze over when you hear all these acronyms, but we need to recognize that these regional organizations are very important to the actors who are in them.  And the failure of the United States not to participate demonstrates a lack of respect and a willingness to engage.   And that is why I made it very clear upon becoming Secretary of State that the United States would show up.  I don’t know if half of life is showing up, but I think half of diplomacy is showing up.

我知道，有些人听到这一连串缩略语时，可能会感到茫然，但我们需要认识到：这些区域性组织对于其中的参与者来说十分重要。美国如果不参与，就是缺乏尊重、缺乏接触意愿的表现。因此，我在就任美国国务卿伊始便十分清楚地表明美国将会参与。我不知道是否能够马到成功，但我知道我们在外交领域已经在全力以赴。

And as we’ve also seen new organizations, including the ASEAN Regional Forum, ASEAN+3, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, we hope that we will be able to participate actively in many of those.

我们还看到了包括东南亚国家联盟地区论坛、东盟+3及上海合作组织在内的新的组织，我们希望我们将能积极参与其中多个组织的工作。

Fifth, we need to decide, as Asia-Pacific nations, which will be the defining regional institutions.  So although we respect and will work with the organizations that countries themselves have created, some of recent vintage, it’s important that we do a better job of trying to define which organizations will best protect and promote our collective future.

第五，作为亚太地区国家，我们需要确定哪些组织将成为决定性的地区机构。因此，尽管我们尊重一些国家自己组建的组织——有些刚成立不久——并将与之合作，但我们必须更好地完成努力确定哪些组织能够最有效地捍卫并促进我们的共同前途的工作。

Now, each may have its place and its purpose.  But the defining ones will include all the key stakeholders.  And these may be well-established, like APEC, or they could be of more recent vintage, like the East Asia Summit, or more likely, a mix of well-established and new.  This is a critical question that we must answer together through consultation and coordination.

每一个机构都有其作用和目的，但具有决定性的机构将包括所有的利益相关者。其中有些可能由来已久，如亚太经合组织；有些可能成立于近期，如东亚峰会；或者更有可能的是，它们是新老机构的结合。这是一个我们必须通过磋商和协调共同回答的关键问题。

During his visit to Tokyo last year, President Obama conveyed the United States’ intention to engage fully with these new organizations.  And as a part of this strategy, we propose to begin consultations with Asian partners and friends on how the United States might play a role in the East Asia Summit, and how the East Asia Summit fits into the broader institutional landscape, and how major meetings in the region can be sequenced most effectively for everyone’s time.

奥巴马总统在去年访问东京期间表达了美国准备全面参与这些新机构的意愿。作为这一战略的一项内容，我们提议与亚洲伙伴和盟友就美国如何在东亚峰会上发挥作用、东亚峰会将在更广的机构格局中处于何种位置、以及如何安排主要地区性会议从而能使各方最有效地利用时间等问题开始磋商。

There is also a continuing need for an institution that is aimed at fostering the steady economic integration of the region based on shared principles and objectives. I think APEC is the organization that we and our partners must engage in, ensuring that it moves toward fulfilling that responsibility.

一个继续存在的需要是，要有一个旨在以共同的原则和目标为基础，促进地区经济稳步融合的机构。我认为，我们和我们的合作伙伴必须参与亚太经合组织，确保它朝着履行这一职责的方向发展。

U.S. involvement and leadership in Asia-Pacific institutions, ranging from our support for and contributions to APEC to our response to the Indian Ocean Tsunami, can benefit everyone.  We can provide resources and facilitate cooperation in ways that other regional actors cannot replicate or, in some cases, are not trusted to do.  No country, however – including our own – should seek to dominate these institutions.  But an active and engaged United States is critical to the success of these.

美国在亚太各种机构中的参与和领导作用——从我们对亚太经合组织的支持和贡献到我们对印度洋海啸的反应——可以让各方受益。我们能够以其他地区性角色所无法效仿或在某些情况下无法得到信任的方式提供资源和促进合作。然而，没有任何国家——包括我国在内——应谋求主宰这些机构。但是，美国的主动和积极参与对这些机构的成功至关重要。

As we reexamine our structures for cooperation, we should remember that power is not just concentrated in governments.  We should develop organizations that harness the positive role of non-state groups such as civil society movements, NGOs in development enterprises, and businesses that play important and constructive roles in development.  We should look for more ways to enhance military-to-military cooperation and decrease mistrust and misunderstanding.

我们在重新审视我们的合作框架时应记住，权力并非只集中在政府手中。我们应该发展那些能够发挥非政府团体积极作用的组织——如公民社会运动，致力于推动发展的非政府组织、以及在发展中发挥重要和建设性作用的工商企业等。我们应该寻找更多途径，促进军队与军队之间的合作，减少不信任和误解。

Tomorrow, as I leave for Australia, I will be looking forward to our discussions with Prime Minister Rudd, who has been a leader in promoting dialogue in this region.  We value his contributions, and I will use this trip, along with my stops in New Zealand and Pacific islands, as an opportunity to continue our consultation.

我明天前往澳大利亚，期待与陆克文总理举行会谈。他一直是推动地区对话的带头人。我们珍视他的贡献，我将借这次访问和我在新西兰及太平洋群岛停留的机会，继续我们的磋商。

The people of the Asia-Pacific region have endured centuries of upheaval.  The ultimate purpose of our cooperation should be to dispel suspicions that still exist as artifacts of the region’s turbulent past, and build in their place a future of openness, honesty, and progress for all of our people.

亚太地区人民经历了数百年的动荡。我们合作的最终目的应该是消除疑虑——它作为这一地区动荡历史的产物依然存在——并代之以一个开放、诚信和给我们全体人民带来进步的未来。

I visited the USS Arizona earlier today, which is always a moving experience, I’m sure, for everyone, as it is for me.  And as we were leaving the memorial, Lieutenant General Darnell told me that he had recently hosted officials from Vietnam.  And as they came out of the memorial, the Navy had flown a Vietnamese flag from the boat waiting.  It was a stunning moment, stunning on both sides, certainly stunning for our Vietnamese visitors, and stunning for the United States.  What other country would do that?  What other country applauds the success, the prosperity, and development of former enemies, of competitors, of those who have different systems and different cultures and different points of view?

我在今天早些时候参观了亚利桑那号舰——我相信这对每个人，就像对我一样，始终是一个感人的经历。正当我们准备离开纪念馆时，达纳尔中将告诉我他最近接待了来自越南的官员。当他们从纪念馆出来时，海军在等待他们的船上挂起了一面越南国旗。那是一个令人惊愕的时刻，对双方都是如此，对我们的越南客人肯定如此，对美国方面也一样。还有哪个国家会这么做？还有哪个国家会为过去的敌人、竞争对手、一个有着不同制度和不同文化及观点的国家的成功、繁荣与发展喝彩？

So I don’t think there is any doubt, if there were when this Administration began, that the United States is back in Asia.  But I want to underscore that we are back to stay.  (Applause.)

因此，我认为，毫无疑问——如果本届政府开始执政时有怀疑的话——美国已经重返亚洲。但我要强调的是，我们不仅重返，而且会留下来。（掌声。）

In the space of two generations, Asia has become a region in which the old is juxtaposed with the new, a region that has gone from soybeans to satellites, from rural outposts to gleaming mega-cities, from traditional calligraphy to instant messaging, and most importantly, from old hatreds to new partnerships.

仅在两代人的时间里，亚洲已经成为一个新旧交替并存的地区——从大豆生产发展到卫星升天，从边远的乡村发展成光鲜的都市，从传统书法走向手机短信，而最重要的是，从宿怨深重转向新的伙伴关系。

Regional cooperation in our part of the world must reflect these new realities and the extraordinary potential that resides within.  And the United States looks forward to expanding its engagement, and to working with our partners to help ourselves and this region realize our  extraordinary promise.

我们在这个地区的合作必须反映新的现实和蕴藏在这里的非凡潜力。美国期待着扩大参与和与合作伙伴的共同努力，帮助我们自身和这一地区发挥潜力，创造非凡的未来。

Thank you all very much.  (Applause.)

非常感谢各位。（掌声。）

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