拜登副总统关于亚太政策的讲话
Remarks by Vice President Joe Biden on Asia-Pacific Policy
副总统乔·拜登关于亚太政策的讲话
George Washington University, Washington, D.C.
乔治·华盛顿大学，华盛顿特区
July 18, 2013
2013年7月18日
Good afternoon, folks. Thank you for your patience.
各位下午好。非常感谢诸位的耐心。
I’d like to begin by thanking -- Mr. President, thank you for offering the venue here at GW. You’re always generous, and we appreciate it a great deal. And I was -- it’s terrible being dated. I was -- I did speak the first year that the Center for American Progress was inaugurated, and here I’m speaking at the 10th anniversary. And the amazing thing is they’re still going; that’s having me speak there first.
我要首先感谢校长先生，感谢您提供乔治·华盛顿大学的场地。您一向如此慷慨，我们对此极为感激。我曾经——那么久远了真可怕——我曾经在美国进步中心第一年落成的时候发表讲话，而现在我是在十周年纪念之际讲话，他们仍在运作令人惊叹；那是因为让我在那里第一个讲话的缘故。
But, Neera, thank you. We miss you. And, Rich, thank you as well. And to the ambassadors who are here, thank you very much. I’m honored that you’d take the time.
尼拉，谢谢你，我们惦念着你。也谢谢里奇。非常感谢在座的各位大使。各位拿出时间来令我不胜荣幸。
Today I want to talk to you about why and how we are pursuing our announced policy of elevated engagement in the Asia-Pacific, and where I believe -- we believe -- that policy is headed.
今天，我想和诸位谈谈我们为什么以及如何奉行我们宣布的加强同亚太接触的政策，以及我认为——我们认为——这项政策的走向。
When President Obama and I came to office, to state the obvious, we inherited two wars. And it was costing us in blood and treasure and time. And we knew we had to end both those wars responsibly. We’ve done that in Iraq, and we’re doing that as I speak in Afghanistan. We’ll obviously continue to be engaged in both places. And of course we’ll continue to take the fight to Al Qaeda and its affiliates there or wherever they are. But winding down those wars has allowed us to turn to the opportunities that reflect the realities of a fast-changing world.
奥巴马总统和我上任时，毋庸赘言，我们接手了两场战争。战争正在让我们付出生命、财力和时间代价。我们知道，我们必须负责任地结束这两场战争。我们已经在伊拉克做到这点，在我讲话的此时此刻我们正在阿富汗这样做。我们显然将继续与这两个国家保持联系。我们当然要继续打击那里以及任何地方的基地组织及其同伙势力。但是，逐渐结束这两场战争使我们能够面向反映这个迅速变化的世界的现实的种种机会。
We ask ourselves two things in the review of how to proceed: Where should we focus additional attention and resources that would enable us to create greater opportunity at home and generate greater growth -- economic growth -- around the world? And where must we make strategic investments that are required to enhance not only our security but global stability?
我们在审议如何前进时给自己提出两个问题：我们应该在哪里投入更多的关注和资源，从而使我们能够在国内创造更大的机会，并推动全球实现更大的经济增长？我们必须在哪里进行必须的战略性投资，从而不仅加强我们的安全，而且维护全球稳定？
Both -- I say to the ambassadors -- both pointed to the Asia-Pacific.
我要向诸位大使说，这两者都指向亚太地区。
In terms of economics, the Asia-Pacific region —- stretching from India to the Pacific nations of the Americas -— is home to a middle class of about a billion people. Some of the fastest growing growth rates in the world are within that region. Emerging markets whose choices will shape the character of the entire global economy are within that purview.
在经济方面，亚太地区——从印度到美洲太平洋国家——拥有约10亿中产阶层人口。全球经济增长最快的一些国家位于这个地区。这个范围内的各新兴市场所做的选择将决定全球经济的特征。
So we reached out. We reached out to deepen economic ties and promote open markets and a rule-based competition for the 21st century.
因此，我们去主动接触。我们去主动接触以深化经济关系，推动市场开放，促进21世纪基于规则的竞争。
We finished a free-trade agreement with South Korea, as well as deals with Panama and Colombia. We launched negotiations on a new Trans-Pacific Partnership that will connect diverse -- economies as diverse as Singapore and Peru. We’ve worked toward a more constructive economic relationship with China, including through the Strategic and Economic Dialogue. And I opened the fifth round of that dialogue just last week.
我们与韩国以及巴拿马和哥伦比亚签署了自由贸易协定。我们启动了有关新的跨太平洋伙伴关系的谈判，这将把不同的——像从新加坡到秘鲁这种不同的——经济体连接起来。我们为与中国建立更有建设性的经济关系作出努力，包括通过战略与经济对话。我上周刚在第五轮对话开幕时发表了讲话。
In terms of security, we undertook a major strategic review at the Defense Department and with our security personnel on how to assess how our global posture and where do we need to evolve to match the moment.
在安全方面，我们在国防部进行了重大战略审议，并与安全人员探讨了如何评估我们的全球态势和为适应当前需要应该如何发展。
In the Asia-Pacific, we saw a region of remarkable promise, but also genuine uncertainty and political risk. Many nations have experienced rapid economic transformation that has fundamentally created a new dynamic: rising ambitions and rising tensions. But the rules and norms that could provide predictability to deal with both those changes, the order needed remained incomplete.
我们在亚太地区看到了光明前景，但也看到真实的不确定性和政治风险。许多国家经历了快速经济转型，从而从根本上形成一种新的动态：更加雄心勃勃，更加关系紧张。但是，能够为处理这两方面变化带来可预见性的规则和规范，即所需秩序，尚未完善。
We are focused on the risks of disruptions of commerce, proliferation, human disasters, conflict between nations and the persistent threat posed by North Korea.
我们集中关注某些风险，例如扰乱商务、核扩散、人为灾难、国家间的冲突以及北韩带来的持续威胁。
So we set about doing several things: first of all, strengthening our alliances; deepening security partnerships and investing like never before in regional institutions to help manage disputes peacefully.
因此，我们从多方面着手努力：首先是加强我们的同盟，深化安全合作伙伴关系，并且对区域机制给予前所未有的投资以便有助于和平处理争端。
President Obama adopted a new Defense Strategic Guidance endorsed by the Joint Chiefs of Staff after months of study that elevates our focus in the Asia-Pacific area.
在进行了几个月的研究之后，欧巴马总统批准了参谋长联席会议所支持的新的国防战略指导方针，加强我们对亚太地区的关注。
在经济和战略方面，美国必须进行再平衡的原因显而易见——要向亚太地区投入更多资源和关注。
Because imagine what can happen if growing Asia-Pacific middle classes help lift the global economy even more than they already are; if nations reject the temptations of zero-sum thinking and rise peacefully together; if progress toward greater rights and freedoms proves that no country has to make a choice between democracy and development, which is a false choice.
因为试想一下，如果不断壮大的亚太地区中产阶级比现在更能够帮助提振全球经济；如果各国摈弃零和思维的诱惑而共同和平崛起；如果为获得更多的权利和自由取得的进步证明，没有那一个国家必须在民主和发展两者中做出选择——这其实是一个错误的命题，那将会出现怎样的情景？
Let me put it slightly differently: Just imagine what will happen if those things don’t come to pass. We’ll all be in a world of trouble. So we’re all in, this administration. Absolutely committed to this rebalance. The President is absolutely committed, and so am I. And so is our entire national security and economic teams.
我再换一个稍微不同的说法：仅试想一下，如果这些情景不出现又会怎样？我们将陷入巨大的麻烦。因此，我们大家，此届政府的所有人，都绝对致力于这一再平衡。奥巴马总统绝对致力于，我也一样。我们整个国家安全和经济团队也如此。
And you don’t need to look any further than my own recent engagement to understand the breadth and scope of the rebalance. I’m traveling to India next week. Twenty, even 10 years ago, some might have suggested that India be left out of discussions about the Asia-Pacific.
大家只需要看看我本人最近的接触就能了解到再平衡的广度和范围。我下周将出访印度。在二十、甚至十年前，有些人可能会建议把印度排除在有关亚太的讨论之外。
One of the reasons why President Obama called our relationship with India “a defining partnership of the century ahead” is that India is increasingly looking east as a force for security and growth in Southeast Asia and beyond.
奥巴马总统将我们与印度的关系称为“未来一百年的决定性伙伴关系”，其原因之一就是印度正作为东南亚及更广地区的一个安全和增长力量日益向东看。
To us that’s welcome news. We encourage it. We welcome India’s engagement in the region, and we welcome its efforts to develop new trade and transportation links by land and by sea in the area.
这是我们所欢迎的。我们对此表示鼓励。我们欢迎印度参与这一地区的事务，我们欢迎它为在该地区发展新的贸易和海陆运输线所做的努力。
I’ll also visit Singapore, a country of 5 million people, that has become the 17th-largest economy in the world, a partner in the TPP and an important player in Southeast Asia and beyond.
我还将访问500万人口的国家新加坡，它已成为世界上第十七大经济体，是我们跨太平洋伙伴关系的合作伙伴，也是东南亚地区及其更广泛地区的一个重要角色。
The reasons President Obama has put particular focus on Southeast Asia: ASEAN now represents a $2 trillion economy of 600 million people. There is more American investment in Southeast Asia than in China. Southeast Asian nations like Singapore and Indonesia have become important partners on everything from counter-proliferation to counter-piracy. That’s why I’m going to Singapore.
奥巴马总统尤其注重东南亚地区的原因是：东盟现在代表着拥有6亿人口和2万亿美元的经济。美国在东南亚的投资超过了在中国的投资。新加坡和印度尼西亚等东南亚国家已经成为从防扩散到打击海盗等各个领域的重要合作伙伴。所以我将访问新加坡。
And, of course, at the core of our strategy in the region are our alliances: Japan, South Korea, Australia, the Philippines, Thailand.
当然，处于我们在该地区战略核心的是我们的盟友：日本、韩国、澳大利亚、菲律宾和泰国。
Across the board in these alliances, we’re at a high water mark in terms of cooperation between our leaders -- both military and political -- and the support of our people.
在整个这些联盟中，就我们领导人之间的合作来说——军事和政治的合作——我们处于很高的水平，并得到了人民的支持。
Closer to home, our intensified engagement within the Western Hemisphere is also part —- not just parallel to -– our overall rebalancing policy.
在距离美国更近的地区，我们加强在西半球的参与也是我们总体再平衡政策的一部分——而不只是与之平行。
You see that very concretely in the Trans-Pacific Partnership which includes five countries in the Western Hemisphere. You can also see it in the initiatives within the Hemisphere like the Alliance for the Pacific -- a new group of free-market-oriented countries that are integrating their economies and looking west for trade and investment.
你们可以在包括西半球五个国家在内的跨太平洋伙伴关系中具体看到这点。你们也可以从西半球范围内的太平洋联盟这样的行动计划中看到这点，太平洋联盟是一个以自由市场为导向的新型国家集团，正在实施经济融合并将贸易和投资的目光投向西方。
As I said in a speech not long ago, for the first time, at least the first time I can remember, I believe the first time in history, it’s possible -- it’s not Pollyannaish -- to envision an America -- an Americas that is middle class, secure and democratic from northern Canada to the tip of Chile and everything in between. There’s much work to be done, but that is within reach.
正如我在不久之前的一次演讲中所说的，这是第一次，至少是我记忆中第一次，我相信这是有史以来的第一次，我们有可能——而不是盲目乐观——憧憬这样的美洲，即一个从加拿大北部到智利南端及两者之间的所有地带都是中产阶级的、安全的和民主的美洲。这仍然任重道远，但却是可以实现的。
That kind of Americas connected economically, strategically and through common values can make a great contribution to a more prosperous and secure Pacific.
这样的美洲在经济和战略上一脉相连，并可以通过共同的价值观为一个更繁荣和安全的太平洋做出巨大贡献。
That’s one of the reasons why President Obama recently visited Mexico and Costa Rica. That’s why I was recently in Colombia, Thailand [sic] and Brazil in May and will return to the region this fall. So what does all this add up to?
这就是奥巴马总统最近访问墨西哥和哥斯达黎加的原因之一。这就是我最近在五月份访问哥伦比亚、泰国[原文如此]和巴西并将在今年秋天再次访问这一地区的原因。那么，这所有的一切意味着什么？
Our goal is to help tie Asia-Pacific nations together –- from India to the Americas -— through strong alliances, institutions and partnerships.
我们的目标是通过强大的联盟、机制和伙伴关系帮助将亚太各国——从印度到美洲——连接在一起。
For the past 60 years, the security we provided has enabled the region’s people to turn their talents and hard work into an economic miracle. And now, we want to hasten the emergence of an Asian-Pacific order that delivers security and prosperity for all the nations involved.
在过去的60年里，我们所提供的安全使这一地区的人民得以将他们的才智和勤劳转化为经济奇迹。现在，我们希望加快亚太地区秩序的形成，为所有相关国家带来安全和繁荣。
In short, we want to help lead in creating the 21st century rules of the road that will benefit not only the United States, and the region, but the world as a whole. The lifeblood of the region, to state the obvious, is economic development. But growth has slowed in India, China and many places in Asia. And each country faces distinct and different challenges.
简言之，我们希望为制定不仅对美国和该地区而且对全世界都有益的21世纪行为规范发挥主导作用。显而易见，该地区的命脉是经济发展。但在印度、中国和亚洲许多地方，增长已经减缓。每个国家都面临着独特和不同的挑战。
But from our perspective, the way forward is fairly clear. To spark new growth, there has to be: fewer barriers at and behind our borders; protections for intellectual property to reward innovation; new commitments to make sure everyone plays by the same rules because that’s what attracts investment and jobs; as well as greater economic integration.
但在我们看来，前进的道路非常明确。为了激发新的增长，就必须在我们的边境和境内减少障碍；保护知识产权以奖励创新；必须作出新承诺确保人人遵循同样的游戏规则，因为这可以吸引投资并创造就业机会；以及更大范围的经济融合。
That’s what we’re pursuing right now, today in Malaysia as our team negotiates the Trans-Pacific Partnership with countries as diverse as Vietnam, Chile, New Zealand, Mexico, very soon, Japan, and at which point the group will account for 40% of the world’s GDP.
这就是我们现在、我们今天在马来西亚所追求的，我们的团队正在与越南、智利、新西兰、墨西哥、很快还有日本等不同国家进行跨太平洋伙伴关系谈判，届时，这个集团将占据全球国内生产总值的40%。
The TPP has potential to set new standards for collective commitments to fair competition -- on state-owned enterprises, fair competition on investments, labor, the environment, open markets for automobiles and other industries.
跨太平洋伙伴关系有可能制定共同致力于公平竞争的新标准，包括有关国有企业，公平的投资竞争、劳工、环境及开放汽车和其他行业的市场等。
And we firmly believe this will create a strong incentive for other nations to raise their standards, as well, so that they can join. We’ve already had discussions with some of those very nations both in the Americas as well as in the Pacific.
而且，我们坚信这也将提供其他国家提高其标准的有力激励，。我们已经同美洲和太平洋地区的这些国家进行了讨论。
但是，这一宏大的跨太平洋伙伴关系努力不仅是我们的目标，而且我们相信这是可以做到的。我们正在努力争取今年实现此目标。
At the same time, we’re reaching out to the emerging economies of Southeast Asia: partnering with Lower Mekong countries to improve food security, connectivity, water and health; encouraging responsible investments and reforms in Burma; and last fall, the President launched a new initiative for Enhanced Economic Engagement with the ASEAN.
同时，我们也正在同东南亚的新兴经济体进行接触：与湄公河下游国家进行合作以改善食品安全、互联互通、用水和卫生；鼓励在缅甸进行负责任的投资和改革；而且去年秋天，奥巴马总统启动了一项新的与东盟加强经济合作的行动计划。
We are addressing the challenges in our economic relationships with China as well. They are not at all inconsistent. We do not view our relationship and future relations with China in terms of conflict or the talk of inevitable conflict. We view it in terms of a healthy mix of competition and cooperation. A competition that we welcome. It’s stamped into our DNA. We like to compete. Competition is good for both of us, as long as the game is fair.
我们也正在应对我们与中国的经济关系中的挑战。这些挑战绝非不可协调。我们不以冲突或不可避免的冲突论调来看待我们与中国的关系和未来的关系。我们认为它有着健康的竞争与合作并存。一种我们欢迎的竞争。竞争意识在我们的基因中。我们喜欢竞争。竞争对两国都有好处，只要竞争是公平的。
It is clear that the Chinese understand that to reverse their declining growth, there are internal reforms they need to make -- not reforms we’re suggesting they have to make. They’ve made their own judgment -- judgments if they follow through on them will not only help China in our view, but help the region and the world. They’ve concluded China needs to shift to a more consumer-driven economy. They’ve concluded they have to create a market-based, well-regulated financial system. And they’ve concluded they need to liberalize their exchange rates. It will be difficult. It’s difficult internally for them to do that, but I’m convinced they believe -- and we clearly do -- that it’s necessary.
显然，中国人明白要扭转他们增长减缓的局面，就必须进行内部改革——并非是我们建议他们必须进行改革。他们已经做出了自己的判断——在我们看来，如果他们按这样的判断贯彻下去，这不仅将对中国有帮助，而且对亚太地区和世界都有帮助。他们已经得出结论认为，他们必须转向一个更多靠消费者驱动的经济。他们得出结论认为，他们必须创造一个基于市场、有良好监管的金融体系。他们得出结论认为，他们需要使汇率自由化。那将是艰难的。这么做对他们来说有内部的困难，但我相信，他们认为——我们明确认为——改革是必要的。
And we are engaging directly with India as it makes some fundamental choices that the Ambassador could speak to more directly than I could about its own economic future.
在印度正在作出一些根本性的选择之际，我们在直接与印度接触，对此，大使能比我更直接地讲述印度自己的经济未来。
In the last 13 years, we’ve increased fivefold our bilateral trade, reaching nearly $100 billion. But if you look at it from a distance, an uninformed person looked at it from a distance, there is no reason, that if our countries make the right choices, trade cannot grow fivefold or more.
过去13年来，我们之间的双边贸易增长了五倍，达到近1000亿美元。不过，在一个局外人看来，在一个不知情的局外人看来，如果我们两国都做出正确选择，贸易便没有理由不能增长五倍或更多。
Just this week, India announced that it will relax caps on foreign direct investment in certain sectors. We still have a lot of work to do on a wide range of issues, including the civil nuclear cooperation, a bilateral investment treaty, policies protecting innovation. There’s a lot of work to do. But we believe doing -- going with an open mind and listening, as well as making our case, we believe it can be done.
就在本周，印度宣布将放宽某些行业的外国直接投资上限。我们在诸多问题上仍有大量工作要做，包括民用核合作、一项双边投资协定以及保护创新的政策。还有很多的工作要做。但我们相信——以开放的思路、通过倾听以及阐明我们的观点，我们相信这是可以做到的。
As we all strive for greater growth, we have to recognize that the impact of climate change also has an impact on growth as well as security. This is a priority for the President and for me. America now has the lowest level of carbon emission in two decades. And we’re determined to move further, and in the process where we can, where our technological capability is available, also help other countries do the same.
在我们大家为实现更大的增长而努力的时候，我们也必须认识到，气候变化的影响也会对增长和安全造成重大影响。这是奥巴马总统和我的一项当务之急。美国现在的碳排放量已经降至20年来的最低水平。我们决心进一步向前推进，而且在此过程中，我们将尽我们所能，在我们的技术能力范围内，帮助其他国家采取同样的行动。
That’s why we’re working with ASEAN to promote investment in clean energy; why we’re helping Pacific island nations mitigate the effects of rising sea levels. They are rising. We just concluded an agreement with China to reduce the use of pollutants called HFCs that cause climate change. And there’s no reason we cannot do more with India as well. That’s why Secretary Kerry agreed to an enhanced dialogue with India on climate change just last month.
正因为如此，我们正在与东盟携手促进清洁能源投资，正在帮助太平洋岛国减轻海平面上升造成的影响。海平面正在上升。我们刚刚与中国达成协议，以减少使用可导致气候变化的叫做氢氟碳化合物的污染物。我们没有理由不能与印度进行更多的合作。这正是为什么国务卿克里在上个月同意就气候变化问题与印度加强对话。
Look, economic growth may be at the core of all we’re saying. Economic growth critically depends on peace and stability. That’s why we have to be -- there have to be 21st century rules of the road not only in the economic sphere, but also with regard to security.
经济增长可能是我们所有人谈论的核心议题。经济增长极大地依赖于和平与稳定。正因为如此，我们必须——不仅在经济领域而且在安全方面必须制定21世纪的通行规则。
With regard to maritime disputes, it’s critical that all nations have a clear understanding of what constitutes acceptable international behavior. That means no intimidation, no coercion, no aggression, and a commitment from all parties to reduce the risk of mistake and miscalculation.
在海事纠纷方面，至关重要的是所有国家都必须清楚地了解什么是可接受的国际行为。这意味着不得恐吓、不得胁迫、不得进犯，同时所有各方均承诺减少失误和误判的风险。
我父亲——上帝保佑他——曾经说过这样的话：乔伊，唯一比故意发动的战争更糟糕的是无意挑起的战争。在极为接近的情况下——好似脸颊紧挨着下巴——发生失误的可能性切实存在。因此，航行自由、畅通无阻的合法商贸、尊重国际法和国际准则以及和平解决领土争端，符合各方的利益。
That’s why I encourage China and ASEAN to work even more quickly to reach an agreement on a code of conduct in the South China Sea. Setting clear rules is the first step to managing these disputes. And the U.S. has a strong interest in seeing that happen as well.
正因为如此，我鼓励中国和东盟争取就南中国海行为准则更快地达成协议。制定明确的规则是控制这些争端的第一步。而且美国也强烈希望看到达成这样的协议。
With regard to North Korea, the one thing I think everyone now agrees on -- we agree that its nuclear and missile programs present a clear and present danger to stability in the area, in East Asia in particular. That’s why we’re working closely with our allies, Japan and South Korea. But we’re also working more closely than the 40 years I’ve been engaged with China and with Russia.
在北韩方面，我认为现在所有人都同意——我们一致认为其核计划和导弹计划给该地区，特别是东亚地区的稳定带来明显和切实的危险。这正是我们与我们的盟国——日本和韩国——进行密切合作的原因所在。但我们同时也增进了与中国和俄罗斯的合作，比40年来我与这两国接触过程中的合作更为密切。
In light of North Korea’s recent provocative behavior, we welcome President Xi’s important statement: achieving a denuclearized Korean Peninsula, as that being a Chinese priority. Not just something they wish for, but a priority. We welcome that firm assertion.
鉴于北韩最近的挑衅行为，我们对习近平主席发表的重要声明表示欢迎：实现朝鲜半岛无核化是中国的一个首要事项。不仅是他们的一个愿望，而且是一个首要事项。我们对这一坚定承诺表示欢迎。
Now, North Korea is calling for dialogue. As my mother would say, I’ve seen this movie before. (Laughter.) We’ve been there before. But we are ready. We are ready, but only if North Korea is prepared to engage in genuine negotiations. We will not countenance North Korea’s pattern of provoking a crisis and then insisting they be rewarded in order to cease and desist from the actions they are taking. We’ve been there before, only to find that once they’re gotten the space or the aid they need, they return to the same provocative, dangerous behavior and continue their nuclear march.
现在，北韩呼吁举行对话。正如我母亲总说的，我以前看过这部电影。（笑声）我们已经见识过这种情况。但我们已经做好准备。我们做好了准备，就等北韩准备进行真正的谈判。我们不会纵容北韩的一贯行径，他们总是先挑起危机，然后非要索取回报才会罢休和停止他们的所作所为。我们已经遇到过这种情况了，结果却发现他们一旦得到了所需的空间或援助便会故伎重演，采取同样的挑衅、危险的行为，并继续推进其核活动。
North Korea can have peace and prosperity like the rest of the region, but only without nuclear weapons. North Korea has a clear choice: It can choose a better path for its people, or continue down the road they’re on.
北韩可以获得像该地区其他国家那样的和平与繁荣，但前提是不得拥有核武器。摆在北韩面前的选择清楚明了：要么选择更有利于本国人民的道路，要么沿着现在的道路继续走下去。
Make no mistake about it, though. We are open to engaging with any nation that’s prepared to live up to its international obligations. That’s what we did in Burma. And I think most would say we’re already seeing some tangible benefits from that engagement.
但请不要误解：我们愿意同任何一个准备履行其国际义务的国家接触。我们在缅甸就是这样做的。我想大多数人都会说，我们已经从这种接触中看到了一些实实在在的惠益。
So we’ve got a full agenda ahead of us in Asia. And we’re committed to seeing it through. But as I travel around the world, and I’m heading to India -- I’m about to cross the 700,000-mile barrier since Vice President, not counting the previous 36 years -- but I hear questions wherever I go, questions in Asia about whether we’re truly committed to this rebalance. I’ve also heard questions in my recent trips to Europe, with European leaders, about whether or not we’re going to be leaving Europe behind.
因此，我们在亚洲的议事日程排得满满当当。我们致力于把它贯彻到底。在我走访世界各地的过程中——我即将前往印度——我将突破自就任副总统以来的70万英里行程纪录，这还不算之前的36年；但是无论走到哪里我都会听到人们提出的问题，在亚洲的问题是我们是否真正致力于这种再平衡。近来几次出访欧洲时，我也曾听到欧洲领导人提出我们是否会丢下欧洲不管的问题。
It should be clear on its face, we’re not leaving Europe. I recently spoke to the European nations, NATO members and EU members, in Munich. And I said that Europe remains “the cornerstone of our engagement with the rest of the world.” That is a fact. We’re not going anywhere.
这个问题显而易见，我们不会丢下欧洲。我最近在慕尼黑向欧洲国家、北约成员国和欧盟成员国发表了讲话。我说，欧洲依然是“我们与世界其他地区进行接触的基石”。这是一个事实。我们不会一走了之。
As a matter of fact, we’re absolutely convinced that our engagement in the Pacific is in the overwhelming self-interest of Europe. We’re convinced the combination of new transatlantic economic agreements that we’re now negotiating and the Trans-Pacific Partnership I’ve discussed, they reinforce one another. They are not at odds with one another. Together, they’re designed to update and strengthen the global economic rules of the world in the 21st century.
事实上，我们绝对相信，我们与太平洋地区的接触符合欧洲自身广泛的整体利益。我们相信，我们正在谈判的新的跨大西洋经济协定和我谈到的跨太平洋伙伴关系同功一体，相辅相成，并非相互背离。两者共同的构想在于更新和加强全世界21世纪的经济规则。
Europe, just like us, will benefit greatly as well from stability in the Pacific, in Asia. And by the way, there is no reason why we cannot bring greater focus to the Asia-Pacific and keep our eye on the ball in the Middle East. Folks, that’s what big powers do. To use the vernacular, we can walk and chew gum at the same time. That’s what big powers do.
欧洲和我们一样，也将极大地从亚太地区的稳定中受益。顺便说一句，我们没有理由不更多地关注亚太地区同时密切注视中东局势。诸位，这是大国的作为。俗话说，我们完全可以一边走路一边嚼口香糖。这是大国的作为。
And there is no evidence that we are taking our eye off the ball -- as we should [sic] in the Middle East, leaving Europe or not intending on following through on our rebalance in the Asia-Pacific area.
没有证据表明，我们对应受到我们关注的中东局势转移了注意力，丢下欧洲或不打算坚持实现亚太地区的再平衡。
Folks, we’re better positioned than any time before to be able to do it all. I know you’ll think it sounds like a campaign assertion I’ve been making for years, but America is back. When I was last in China, as I pointed out to the Chinese leadership, it’s never, never, never been a good bet to bet against America. The resiliency of the American people and the nature of our system -- America is back.
诸位，我们处于比以往任何时候都更有利的地位做到这一切。我知道，你们会认为这听起来像我多年来发表的竞选主张，但是美国又回来了。我在上一次访问中国期间曾向中国领导人指出，寄希望于美国无功而退，永远、永远、永远都不是上策。由于美国人民坚忍不拔和我们制度具有的性质，美国又回来了。
套用马克·吐温的一句话，关于我们衰落的说法远远脱离实际。自从我们上任以来，我国工商业已创造720万个就业机会。在2009年的12个月期间，我国平均每月丧失40多万个就业岗位，今年截至目前，平均每月创造20多万个就业机会。制造业正在复苏，实现了近20年最大幅度的增长。大批高科技公司正打算迁回美国。
There’s a reason for it. American workers are incredibly productive -- three times as productive as Chinese workers, to give you one example. They can be assured their intellectual property will be protected. We have a transparent court system that will enforce contracts.
这是有原因的。美国工人拥有极高的生产力，举例来说，他们的生产力是中国工人的三倍。他们可以放心他们的知识产权将会受到保护。我们拥有透明的法院系统，可以要求契约得到履行。
Our deficit is down more than 50 percent as a share of the economy since we took office. Household wealth -- over $17 trillion in household wealth was lost in the Great Recession we inherited. It’s all back. We’re producing more energy from all sources. We now have over 100 years’ supply of natural gas that would enable us to meet every single need we have in America -- energy need for the next 100 years. We’re the largest natural gas producer in the world -- another reason why companies are coming back. The cost is a third to a fifth of what it is around the world.
自从我们上任以来，我国的财政赤字在经济中所占的比重下降了50%以上。家庭财富——超过17万亿美元的家庭财富在我们所继承的大衰退中丧失。但一切都已恢复正常。我们正在利用各种来源生产更多的能源。我们现在拥有100多年供应量的天然气储备，将使我们能够满足我们在美国每一个方面的需求——未来100年的能源需求。我们是世界上最大的天然气生产国——这是美国公司迁回美的另一个原因。这方面的成本是全世界的三分之一到五分之一。
We are prepared to help other countries as well. Our oil imports are the lowest they’ve been in the last 20 years. And I believe -- if my colleagues from abroad will forgive me, I believe we remain the most innovative country in the world.
我们也准备帮助其他国家。我们的石油进口达到过去20年来的最低水平。我相信——希望国外的同仁不认为我失敬，我相信我国仍是全世界创新能力最强的国家。
But I also think, folks, that the rest of the world understands why this is happening, and it’s not just the good fortune of having shale gas or having two oceans, et cetera. I think it’s because of the enduring strength of our people and of our system. For all our difficulty in education for our children, they’re still taught to challenge orthodoxy. No one in America is diminished or punished for challenging orthodoxy.
诸位，但是我也认为，世界其他国家和地区都了解这种情况发生的原因，这并非只是因为拥有页岩气或比邻两大洋等好运。我认为，这归功于我国人民和我国体制经久不衰的实力。虽然我们在教育孩子方面遇到各种困难，但是他们仍受到有关挑战正统的教导。在美国，没有人会因为挑战正统受到贬低或处罚。
It’s the only way there can be a breakthrough, is to challenge orthodoxy -- where competition is fair; where people have a right to express their views, practice their religion, and decide their future. These are universal values. They’re not unique to Americans. I believe there is no Asian exception to the universal desire for freedom.
挑战正统是实现突破的唯一途径——在公平竞争的条件下；人们有权表达自己的观点，从事宗教活动和决定自己的未来。这些都是普世价值，并非美国人所独有的。我相信，对于获得自由的普遍愿望，亚洲人民绝对不是例外。
And the issues that young people are seized with all across Asia and the world -- corruption, land rights, pollution, food and product safety -- these are all fundamentally linked to openness and transparency, to greater rights and freedom.
亚洲和全世界年轻人共同面临的诸多问题——腐败、土地权、污染、食品和产品安全问题——从根本上都关系到公开性和透明度，关系到更多的权利和自由。
In my humble opinion, no nation has to adopt the exact system we have. That’s not what I’m suggesting at all. But it’s awful hard to be innovative where you can’t breathe free. It’s awful hard to make significant technological breakthroughs where orthodoxy is the norm.
依我个人的浅见，没有哪一个国家必须一成不变地采纳我们的体制。这完全不是我所建议的。但是，在无法自由呼吸的地方，创造力很难得到发挥。在正统独揽天下的环境下，重大的技术突破很难得到实现。
In my humble opinion, the very things that made us such a prosperous, innovative and resilient nation -- our openness, our free exchange of ideas, free enterprise and liberty -- all of which have their downsides, as we’ve recently seen in Boston and other places -- they have downsides -- but we would not trade them for all the world.
依我个人的浅见，使我国繁荣昌盛、富于创新精神和获得蓬勃生机的基本根源在于我们的开放性、思想的自由交流、自由企业和自由权——所有这一切都有一定的负面效应，例如我们最近在波士顿和其他地方看到的情况——都有一定的负面效应——但是我们无论如何不会为此舍本求末。
Presumptuous for me to say, because you never tell another leader what’s in their interest, never tell another country what they should do. But I believe these elements are the fundamental ingredients for success for any nation in the 21st century.
恕我冒昧，因为你永远不可以对另一位领导人说哪些符合其本身的利益，永远不可以对另一个国家说应该做什么，但我相信，这些是21世纪任何国家取得成功的根本要素。
There was that famous line by the founder of Apple, when asked at Stanford, what do I have to do to be more like you? And his response was, think different. You can only think different where you can think freely, where you can breathe free air.
苹果公司创始人在斯坦福大学发表演讲时，曾有人提问说，我应该怎么做才能更像你？他的回答已经成为名言。他说，换一个方式思考。你需要能够自由思考，需能够自由呼吸，才能换一个方式思考。
So let me conclude by saying we see, as Neera said, this is not a zero-sum game. It’s overwhelmingly in our interest that India continues to grow. It’s overwhelmingly in our interest that China grows. It’s overwhelmingly in our interest that the world economy grow. Because we believe Asia’s success is fundamentally linked to ours.
因此我最后要说的是，我们看到，正如尼拉所说，这不是零和游戏。印度继续增长符合我们广泛的整体利益。中国继续增长符合我们广泛的整体利益。世界经济持续增长符合我们广泛的整体利益。因为我们相信，从根本上说，亚洲的成功与我们的成功息息相关。
So the President and I are going to continue to reach across the ocean, both east and west, particularly to the indispensable Pacific nations, to help us shape a prosperous future, for America, for their people, and I would argue for the world.
因此，奥巴马总统和我将继续跨越大洋，向东西两个方向，尤其是与不可缺席的太平洋国家发展联系，帮助我们为美国、为它们的人民，我还可以说，也为全世界开创繁荣的未来。
Thank you all for being so gracious and listening. Thank you. (Applause.)
非常感谢诸位如此耐心地听完这次讲话。谢谢你们。（掌声）
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